Un
ouvrage de Pantelis Pouliopoulos vient d'être édité en italien
(anglais traduction automatique a écrit :Pantelìs Puliòpulos: 'Revolution Democratic Socialist or Greece? "
In January 1933 the Nazis seized power in Germany and within a very short time, the German proletariat and its organizations were crushed by the iron heel of a spietatissimo regime. The biggest of the Social Democratic Party, which had hundreds of thousands of subscribers and organised by trade unions million workers, was put silenced and it was dissolved within a few weeks, while tens and tens of thousands of its militants along with those of the German Communist Party, which had suffered shortly before the same fate, took over as first "guests" of newborns hitlerian camp.
The German disaster is the latest in a series of defeats of the proletariat international provoked by Stalinism. The tactic Stalinist of socialfascism, an aventurist policy announcing the imminent fall of capitalism and argued that, to this end, the proletariat would be enough to "walk over the corpse of the Social Democrats' last protection of a dying capitalism ' was among the main causes of this defeat. Without a Single Front party workers against the Nazi offensive, Hitler's party was to break open a door practically.
The "correction" of this tactic by the Stalinists was marerialised in its policy of "Popular fronts". The comintern began to mature this policy by the general strike called by the anti-fascist French CGT February 12, 1934, in which workers PCF sfilarono through the streets of Paris together with workers' socialfascisti "of SFIO. To curb the reborn German militarism, which rebirth policy Stalinist objectively had made a contribution, the comintern not found better than to enter communist parties in bourgeois "anti-fascist" coalitions. The new tactic proved worse than the previous communist parties became the shore of bourgeois governments, repressero, as happened in 1937 in Spain, any attempt of the proletariat revolutionary, and not totally stopped the reborn German militarism with which, in 1939, Stalin found an agreement.
The Communist Party of Greece (KKE) adopted the new policy as early as January 1934, anticipating the french "breakthrough" of next month.
In this way, the KKE also formally abdicated its positions class beginning to argue that in Greece the struggle for socialism had to move from the completion of the bourgeois-democratic revolution and an indefinite intermediate stage, before reaching a hypothetical 'stage Socialist' that should have taken into account the particularities Greek. The Socialism should have had a national character 'greek'.
The opposition trotskist Greek including where it would go immediately to obtaining the turning of the KKE and charged its majority leader, Pantelìs Puliòpulos to respond to step over step "historical decisions of 6 ˚ Plenum of the KKE.
The criticism of the "new line" of the Stalinist Greek Puliòpulos expressed in the book "democratic or Socialist Revolution in Greece?" Text in "The International" took care of today the translation and printing.
The text of Puliòpulos, a text for the reader Italian may not be easy reading, for his literary style and for the continued references to the specific circumstances of the Greek policy, described in advance the political consequences of the turning of the KKE 1934, which were not very different from those caused by similar conducted other Communist parties. These ruinous changes in direction have seen everywhere the proletariat subject to its middle class, seeking improbable "national roads to socialism", in the defense more or less open the "home of socialism," until in 1991, the USSR " closed - malinconicamente - shop "for the failure of bureaucratic caste that directed. These consequences Puliòpulos was unable to attend because fell along with 105 hostages under the lead of a platoon of execution Italian June 6, 1943.
The text of Puliòpulos helps us understand not only the economic and social situation in Greece, debate and the political struggles in the labor movement greek and European nature of the Stalinist counterrevolution and its crimes in the thirties, but also the political developments and Social subsequent year. For this is a lesson that, after so many years, has not ceased to be current, and still has much to teach us.
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